Federal Chancellor (Germany)

That Federal Chancellor is that Head of the government the Federal Republic Germany: It determines the Federal Ministers and the guidelines of the policy that . The Federal Chancellor is actually that most powerful German politicians, stands however in Minutes after that Federal President as Head of state and that President of the Bundestag only in third-highest place. The Federal Chancellor becomes of Bundestag selected and can before expiration of the legislative period of the federal daily only by constructional vote of no confidence are replaced. Present Bundeskanzlerin is those CDUPolitician Angela Merkel.

Constitutional and political position

Historical background

At the feudalen yard was the chancellor of the directors/conductors of the office of the Emperor, King or Prince. Among the officials of the ruler that had the highest auctoritas, similarly that Egyptian State writers.

Already in North German federation became the head of the government "Federal Chancellor", in Empire and in that Weimar Republic then "Realm chancellor"mentioned. Only in the short conditionless time 1918/19 ("chairmen of the advice of the people-assigned" and/or. "Prime Minister"), during the crew time 1945–1949 (as it gave no head of the government) and later in the GDR (19491990, "Prime Minister") did not carry the head of the government the office designation "Chancellor“. However the realm chancellor von Kaiserreich and Weimar Republic is not regarding the powers and the constitutional position with the Federal Chancellor that Federal Republic of Germany to compare.

The realm chancellor of the empire was directly responsible to the emperor, who appointed and dismissed him. That Realm day no say had. The realm chancellor was complete thereby of Emperor dependently; furthermore it did not have direct influence on the legislation, it was allowed in its characteristic as a realm chancellor not even the realm day ago to speak.

Also the realm chancellor of the Weimar Republic became of Realm president dismisses appointed and. Furthermore it had to withdraw, if that Realm day the confidence from it extracted. The realm chancellor depended thereby both on the realm president and on the realm day. Even if article 56 that Weimar condition nearly accurately with the first two sets of the article 65 of the Basic Law agrees ("the realm chancellor determines the guidelines of the policy and carries for it in relation to the realm day the responsibility. Within these guidelines each realm Minister leads it entrusted line of business independently and under own responsibility in relation to the realm day.“), then nevertheless the condition reality was at least in the late phase with their Praesidialkabinetten another. By strong dependence on the confidence of the realm president and by the logging-off possibility of the realm daily, which had to order a successor not at the same time, the realm chancellor between all chairs sat. In particular the disproportion between the appointment by the realm president and the responsibility in relation to the realm day was late subject to criticism. Weimar condition with a strong realm president and a weak not alone realm chancellor authorized to act in crisis periods a partial responsibility is given to this construction that to the fact that the Weimar Republic 1933 with the appointment Hitler to the realm chancellor and the following establishment of the National Socialist A party state one terminated actually.

That Parliamentary advice decided therefore in the years 1948 and 1949, the position of the nunmehrigen Federal President to weaken and the Federal Chancellor strengthen. In particular very details and itself regulations over the choice of the Federal Chancellor, that, working later constructional vote of no confidence and those Question of confidence the actual political power of the Federal Chancellor at least likewise encouraged like strong development that Chancellor democracy under the first Federal Chancellor, . Its very strong interpretation that Guideline authority the Federal Chancellor by his successors it was defended and leads to the fact that the Federal Chancellor today as most powerful politicians in political system of the Federal Republic applies.

Guideline authority and collegial principle

The Federal Chancellor possesses sentence 1 according to the article 65 of the Basic Law those Guideline authority: It "determines the guidelines [ of the Federal Government represented ] of the policy". It carries for this also the responsibility. The fundamental direction decisions of the Federal Government are thus met by it, however also important single decisions can be met by it. On the other hand article 65 of the Basic Law writes also that Department principle (sentence 2) and that Collegial principle (sentence 3) forwards. First means that the Federal Ministers lead their Ministries within own responsibility. The Federal Chancellor cannot intervene here so easily in individual questions of substance and implement its opinion. It must be informed however after the agenda of the Federal Government about all important projects in the Ministry. The collegial principle means that diversities of opinion that by the Kollegium to be decided; the Federal Chancellor must bend itself thus in the doubt of the decision of the Federal Cabinet.

The Federal Chancellor possesses additionally the organization force for the Federal Government and can with issuing the number and competencies of the Ministries regulate. It "leads" thereby in the administrative sense the business of the Federal Government.

Even if department and collegial principle are constantly used in practice, then nevertheless also as "chancellor principle" the designated guideline authority makes the Federal Chancellor humans recognized in the public as rulers over the happening. Its public expressions are strongly considered; if he expresses himself to a question of substance differently than the responsible specialized Minister, then frequently checking has, wants it not because of "bad teamwork" by the Federal Chancellor to be reprimanded internally or publicly despite the validity of the department principle of the specialized Ministers. The Federal Chancellor is often also a chairman of its party ( 1950–1963, Erhard 1966, Kiesinger 1967–1969, 1982–1998 and Merkel since 2005 in that CDU; Brandt 19691974 and 1999–2004 in that SPD) and thereby not only high interest of medium and strong influence enjoy within the party and parliamentary group as a Federal Chancellor, but also as a party chairman, which support its government. However all Federal Chancellors had an important role in the party also in the times, in which they did not dress the party presidency.

Even if the Federal Chancellor is unquestioned however in his party, then he must - if its party alone to govern cannot - nevertheless usually on a smaller consideration take. Its expressions may meet the agreement of the coalition partner, which is almost equal thereby despite smaller size, in its party unanimous agreement, are reached with it yet and do not have possibly by concessions secured to become. In addition, the Federal Chancellor cannot in his own party diktatorisch govern, there its party offices regularly in democratic choice to be also confirmed must do and the delegates despite Party discipline necessarily the line of the Federal Chancellor to follow do not have.

Ludwig Erhard (1897-1977) on a two-D-mark coin
2. Federal Chancellor (1963-1966)

Finally it depends also on the person of the Federal Chancellor and the political conditions, as it out-arranges the term of the guideline authority. Konrad Adenauer as first Federal Chancellors used the guideline authority under the exceptional conditions of a complete political new beginning very strongly. With his office guidance Adenauer put the foundation-stone for the interpretation of this term handing very far. Already under Ludwig Erhard finally sank the authority of the Federal Chancellor, to in Kurt George Kiesingers the Federal Chancellor the "strong man" than rather the "changing mediation committee" was less. During Adenauer and Helmut Schmidt very strategically with their staff (essentially the chancellorship) worked, preferential Brandt and Kohl a style of the more informal co-ordination. In both models it arrives with the calculation of the influence possibilities of the Federal Chancellor on the strength of the coalition partner and on the position of the Federal Chancellor in its party.

Due to these political restrictions of the position of the Federal Chancellor defined by the condition many politics scientists hold the guideline authority for at most overrated concept Basic Law width units. There is no case in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany so far, in which the guideline authority would have been officially used.

Willy Brandt (1913-1992)
4. Federal Chancellor (1969-1974)
with US president Richard Nixon

Since the Federal Chancellor must rely with questions relating to domestic affairs more strongly on the Ministries, it can form itself frequently in the foreign policy. All Federal Chancellors used the diplomatic parquet, in order to present itself apart from the interests of the Federal Republic also in positive light. Particularly Federal Chancellor Adenauer, of 1951 to 1955 even that State Department led, could here strong influence take. All Federal Chancellors have however in a more or less quiet struggle for power with that Minister of foreign affairs the foreign policy as public-effective area for itself discovers.

The Federal Government and the Federal Chancellor have the exclusive right to make decisions of the executive. For this reason each formal arrangement requires of the Federal President up to the appointment and dismissal of the Federal Chancellor, the dissolution of the federal daily after the failure of the choice of a Federal Chancellor and the request for the far practice of the office up to the appointment of a successor of the counter signature of the Federal Chancellor or the responsible Federal Minister.

Choice of the Federal Chancellor

see also: Tunings over the German Federal Chancellor

For the first time in German condition history the choice procedure for the Federal Chancellor in the article 63 of the Basic Law was very in detail described. This is connected also with the fact that differently than in the earlier German conditions the last valid decision over the appointment of the Federal Chancellor usually of Bundestag and not of Federal President one meets. For this reason had to be clear, as the procedure away-goes, if a candidate for the office of the Federal Chancellor is not selected. Becomes deviating - from the idea of the strict Division of power - an organ that Executive, the Federal Chancellor, by an organ that Legislation, the Bundestag, selected.

Process diagram to the Federal Chancellor choice

First choice phase: If the office of the Federal Chancellor is vakant, approximately by meets a new federal daily, in addition, by death, resignation or incapable of holding officeness of the old Federal Chancellor, the Federal President suggests a candidate for the office of the Federal Chancellor to the Bundestag within an appropriate period. In this decision the Federal President is legally free. Politically is however already for a long time clear before the suggestion, on whom the Bundestag will co-ordinate, since the Federal President before its suggestion holds which are received conversations with the party and faction leaders. So far the follow-up candidate brought by the governing coalition in the play was also always suggested by the Federal President. The candidate needs the voices of the majority of the members of the federal daily for his choice, thus those absolute majority. If the Bundestag does not select the candidate suggested by the Federal President, then a second choice phase begins. This case did not arise in the history of the Federal Republic so far ever.

Second choice phase: After the refusal of the suggestion of the Federal President a two-week choice phase steps in, into from the Bundestag - after its Agenda by at least one quarter of the delegates - candidates to be suggested can. On the suggested candidates then one co-ordinates. Both a einzelwahl is (only one candidate) and a multi-person choice conceivablly. In each case a candidate needs the voices of the majority of the members of the federal daily for the choice again. The number of ballots is unlimited.

Third choice phase: During the second choice phase even if no candidate with absolute majority is selected, then the Bundestag must immediately again meet at expiration of the two weeks and accomplish a further ballot. Hereunder applies first as selected, who combines most voices on itself. If the selecting receives the absolute majority of the voices of the members of the federal daily, then the Federal President must appoint it within seven days. If the selecting receives only the relative majority of the voices, then this is one of the few cases, in which the Federal President genuine political powers close up: It can decide now after pflichtgemaessem discretion whether it appoints the selecting and so that possibly the way for a minority government smooths or dissolves however the Bundestag. It will make this decision as a function of the political situation: If no change of majority conditions is to be expected with a new election, then it will rather not dissolve the Bundestag. Against it if the majority situation is anyway unclear in the Bundestag, then it will consider the dissolution of the federal daily again more strongly.

Altogether there can be however no case, in which the Federal President appoints a person the Federal Chancellor, who can combine not at least a relative majority of the federal daily on itself.

After the choice the Federal Chancellor is appointed by the Federal President and before the Bundestag sworn in. He swears thereby the following oath: "I swear that I mean strength the well-being of the German people dedicate, its use mehren, damage of him turn, the Basic Law and the laws of the federation protect and defend, my obligations conscientiously to fulfill and justice against everyone will practice. So truely God help me.“ (article 56 of the Basic Law). It can do the oath also without religious asseveration; Gerhard Schroeder was the only Federal Chancellor, who made use from this possibility.

This Wahlprozedere applies in principle also in Case of defense. The choice of a Federal Chancellor by that Common committee is however separately regulated, as only the first choice phase described above is used similar. The Basic Law does not make a statement about the further procedure, if the common committee does not select from Federal President Vorgeschlagenen. It is to be assumed however the regulations article 63 to such a choice similar apply.

The Federal Chancellor must neither Member of the federal daily still one a political party its, however he must that passive right to vote to Bundestag possess. In accordance with the principle of the incompatability it may dress neither another paid office still another exercise occupation or a trade, lead no enterprise and not without agreement of the federal daily that Supervisory board one on profit oriented enterprise belong (article 66 of the Basic Law).

Co-operation with the Bundestag

The Bundestag can require calling for or the presence of the Federal Chancellor or a Federal Minister at any time. In response the Federal Chancellor and the members of the Federal Government have the right, with each meeting of the federal daily or one its Committees to be present. They have even each-early speech right. If the Federal Chancellor speaks as such and not as a delegate of his Bundestag faction, then its speaking time is taken into account not on the agreed upon total speaking time.

Order of the Federal Ministers

According to the article 64 of the Basic Law the Federal Chancellor suggests the Federal Minister, who appoints it to the Federal President. The Federal President must appoint it according to the opinion outweighing in the public law teachings, without being able to examine the candidates themselves politically. Is entitled to it however usually a formal test right: It can examine about whether the designate Federal Ministers are Germans. The Bundestag has here likewise no say. Auch bei der Entlassung von Bundesministern können weder der Bundespräsident noch der Bundestag in rechtlich bindender Weise mitreden – auch hier liegt die Entscheidung ganz beim Bundeskanzler, die Entlassung wird wieder durch den Bundespräsidenten durchgeführt. Selbst die Aufforderung des Bundestages an den Bundeskanzler, einen Bundesminister zu entlassen, ist rechtlich unwirksam; allerdings wird der Minister, wenn tatsächlich die Mehrheit des Bundestages und damit auch Mitglieder der die Bundesregierung tragenden Koalition gegen ihn sind, häufigwithdraw from itself. The Bundestag can replace the Ministers only together with the Federal Chancellor by a constructional vote of no confidence.

This at least formally unrestricted personnel sovereignty of the Federal Chancellor over its cabinet speaks for the strong position of the Federal Chancellor. Federal Chancellor has 2002 by this personnel sovereignty very clearly use made, as it against its express will that Secretary of Defense Rudolf Scharping from his office to dismiss left. The Federal Chancellor must give however during the appointment usually to "coalition contracts" and internal-party Proporz consideration; when dismissals this applies in particular with Ministers of the coalition partner still more strongly: Here the coalition agreements always prescribe that a dismissal can take place only with agreement of the coalition partner. If the Federal Chancellor would not adhere to this legally not binding, politically however most important contract, the coalition would be very fast to end. Altogether the personnel liberty of the Federal Chancellor is subject to substantial restrictions by the political basic conditions.

The Federal Chancellor appoints also - without co-operation of the Federal President - its deputy. Unofficially one speaks also of the "vice-chancellor". This is usually a most important politician of the smaller coalition partner. Frequently fall the office of the Minister of foreign affairs and the "vice-chancellor shank" together; this is however no obligatory combination, but only one tradition (since 1966, with short interruptions 1982, 1992/93 and since 2005). It is also possible that the vice-chancellor belongs to the same party as the Federal Chancellor (as for example Ludwig Erhard 1957-1963).

It concerns always only the agency of the function, not around those of the office. The deputy represents thus only the chancellor, for example if this is on a journey and the deputy leads a cabinet meeting. If the Federal Chancellor became durably incapable of holding office for example by a serious illness or if it would die, then the vice-chancellor would not be by any means automatic the acting chancellor. Provisionally the Federal President would have to appoint one the Minister the acting chancellor (and then he would probably actually adhere to the deputy), until the Bundestag selected a new Federal Chancellor. So far such a case - apart from chancellor resignations - did not arise however ever.

Even if the deputy is not available, then its role goes to that Agency sequence the agenda of the Federal Government on the serve-oldest Minister over. In Cabinet Merkel is this Heidemarie Wieczorek Zeul, which is since 1998 cabinet member. If several Ministers are equivalent long in the office, the age decides.

Constructional vote of no confidence

see major items: Vote of no confidence, see also: Tunings over the German Federal Chancellor

The request according to the article 67 of the Basic Law must be brought in after the agenda of the federal daily by at least one quarter of its members. The request must to ask the Federal President to dismiss the Federal Chancellor at the same time a request to the Federal President to contain to appoint a in particular designated person the successor. Thus it is guaranteed that the again formed majority agreed at least on a common Federal Chancellor suggestion and with it suggests that it has a common government program. The request requires to its acceptance again that Majority for the chancellor, thus the absolute majority of the voices of the members of the federal daily.

That wants Common committee during of the Case of defense the Federal Chancellor by constructional vote of no confidence fall, then this request requires the majority of two thirds of the members of the common committee. With the increase of this majority the possibility of an actual coup d'etat should be made more difficult by the common committee.

The change of a coalition partner or also only individual coalition members of parliament to Opposition is legitimate according to the regulations of the Basic Law. It stands however in the public perception always in the Ruch of the betrayal, since after argumentation the voters could have trusted the political group concerned by the change negatively in each case during their choice decision in the fact that them with the choice of a party also a certain selected. The additional change is a democracy-theoretically not acceptable deception of the voter. That Federal Constitutional Court has itself this argumentation in a judgement to Question of confidence against-placed and democratic authentication equated with constitutional legitimacy.

The constructional vote of no confidence is in the history of the Federal Republic so far (2005) twice been used: 1972 tried those CDU/CSUParliamentary group unsuccessfully, Federal Chancellors Willy Brandt to fall and Rainer Barzel to select to the chancellor; 1982 CDU/CSU fell and FDP together Federal Chancellors Helmut Schmidt and selected to the Federal Chancellor.

Question of confidence

see major items: Question of confidence, see also: Tunings over the German Federal Chancellor

The Federal Chancellor has the feeling that the majority of the Federal daily its politics any longer do not support, then it can according to the article 68 of the Basic Law the question of confidence ask and thus the Bundestag to acting force. It knows the question of confidence also with a judgement on the main issue, thus one Bill or, connect for another special request. If the Bundestag the request of the Federal Chancellor to express it does not agree the confidence with absolute majority, then the Federal Chancellor has the possibility, during agreement of the Federal President the Bundestag dissolve or during agreement of Federal President and Upper House of Parliament that Legislation state of emergency proclaim to leave and the Bundestag thereby for six months to a large extent to entmachten.

In the history of the Federal Republic the question of confidence was so far asked five times. Twice (Schmidt 1982 and 2001) acted it around a genuine question of confidence, during with the questions of confidence of Brandt 1972, 1982 and Schroeder 2005 the dissolution of the Bundestag were aimed at and also reached.

Case of defense

see major items: Case of defense

According to the article 115b of the Basic Law the command and authority go over those during the defense case Armed forces of Federal Minister of the defense to the Federal Chancellor over. This as "lex Churchill"designated regulation is to ensure that in times of extraordinary crises of the Federal Chancellors as" a strong man "holds all threads in the hand.

Legal special regulations

The Federal Chancellor has as a member that the right, as a witness during punishing and civil processes at its seat or its place of residence to be heard (§ 50 that Code of criminal procedure, § 382 that Judicial code). The Federal Chancellor as such does not have a requirement up Immunity; if the Federal Chancellor is however simultaneous delegates, then he enjoys like each member of the federal daily this privilege.

Who forces the Federal Government or a member of the Federal Government, thus also the Federal Chancellor, not to exercise powers or in a certain sense becomes after §§ the 105 or 106 of the Penal code separated punishes.

Content

The Federal Chancellor receives (after conditions of 2005) a basic salary from approximately 180.000 € per year. This corresponds to the Fuenfdrittelfachen of the basic salary that Salary bracket B 11 (§ 11 Federal Minister law). In addition official-legal Zuschlaege comes at a value of approximately 22.000 €. The Federal Chancellor must pay duty its income, however it - like officials - must pay no unemployment insurance and no pension contributions. The private use of Federal means of transport and the rent of the official residence in the Office of the Federal Chancellor are charged for to the Federal Chancellor by the Federal Republic of Germany.

Election campaign

At the latest since 1961 and the candidacy Willy Brandts approximately the two large people's parties place, CDU/CSU and SPD, „ and 2005 Gerhard Schroeder and its challengers found, between Federal Chancellors (CSU, 2002) and/or. Angela Merkel (CDU, 2005), from the American presidency election fight taken over speech duels instead of. In this way the focusing was continued to force on the candidates for the chancellorship and away by questions by program. According to tried those with the election to the Bundestag 2002, with an own candidate for the chancellorship, their chairman Guido Westerwelleto win, additional voices. Westerwelle called this attempt afterwards error.

The British tradition that the largest opposition party in the election campaign "Shade cabinet"sets up, in Germany did not intersperse themselves; Willy Brandt made an attempt for 1961. In Germany a party must a coalition after the choice usually be received and cannot therefore not alone on a cabinet decide. Probably (largest) the opposition party places "Authority team"with prominent politicians together, whose range is partially quite generally designated ("outside and security politics").

End of the term of office

The term of office of the Federal Chancellor ends to the separation with its death, its incapable of holding officeness, through constructional vote of no confidence, his resignation or meets a new federal daily. In the two last cases the Federal Chancellor usually practices on request of the Federal President according to the article 69 of the Basic Law the office of the Federal Chancellor up to the appointment of its successor further out. Only after the resignation from Willy Brandt became this from Federal President Heinemann not accordingly asks; rather was dismissed the just Vice-chancellor Walter cross-eyed for the time of 7. to 16. May 1974 kommissarischer Federal Chancellor.

The resignation of the Federal Chancellor during the legislative period is not intended or regulated in the Basic Law. It is judged constitutionally permissible nevertheless. The past resignations of the Federal Chancellors Adenauer, Erhard and Brandt were not therefore also the subject of larger constitutional debates. The resignation offers also a way to new elections. Finds with after the resignation the lining up Choice of the Federal Chancellor in accordance with article 63 of the Basic Law no candidate the absolute majority, then can arrange (does not have however) Federal President Neuwahlen.

Historical evaluation of the office of the Federal Chancellor

The construction of a strong, only Federal Chancellor dependent on the Bundestag worked satisfactorily in predominant opinion of the political science. While the interaction of Bundestag and Upper House of Parliament in the legislation regularly and the office criticizes of the Federal President in his current arrangement occasionally in question, are almost undisputed both the office and the powers of the Federal Chancellor are placed. Even if Konrad from its successors to this extent will not receive the Adenauers' historically singular position of power, which manifested itself in during its term of office the coined/shaped term of the "chancellor democracy", could, the Federal Chancellor is a most important and most powerful German politician.

The strong constitutional position also in relation to the Bundestag and the regular clothing of a high party office provided for a high continuity in the office of the Federal Chancellor: During since already 1949 nine Federals President and eleven US president their office dressed, is Angela Merkel only the respected Federal Chancellors and the first Bundeskanzlerin. The long average term of office of the Federal Chancellor of approximately eight years is however also criticized; in particular a certain power verse mealness is certified to the Federal Chancellors and subordinated to them to consider itself indispensable. In this connection already a delimitation of the term of office of the Federal Chancellor not unproblematic in their practical conversion on eight years as with the US president suggested, also Gerhard Schroeder supported this idea its term of office ago. It moved itself away however later from it, particularly it after chancellor shank during two office periods (1998-2005) with that Election to the Bundestag 2005 to the re-election placed and also intended to exercise the office further.

The position of the Federal Chancellor becomes among other things by the kind of the office installation and that Cabinet formation, the less favourable removability only by constructional vote of no confidence and the relatively stable party-political Conditions strengthened. In the comparison to Realm president the Weimar Republic or to the US president the Federal Chancellor holds however a weak position.

Hopes for a strong Federal Chancellor fulfilled themselves altogether, those to fears before a too strong ruling power however did not prove to be true. To that extent the word of Federal President can Duke, that Basic Law is a stroke of luck for Germany, also to the construction of the office of the Federal Chancellor to be referred.

Seat and directly which are subordinate authorities

That Office of the Federal Chancellor is the seat of the Federal Chancellor. Director/conductor of the Office of the Federal Chancellor is more appointed however not the Federal Chancellor, but by him Federal Minister or Undersecretary of state. The Office of the Federal Chancellor has available for each Ministry mirror-image a paper and places to the Federal Chancellor thereby for each field of activity a competent collaboration.

Also directly that is subordinate to the Federal Chancellor Pressing and office for information of the Federal Government. This has the task to inform the public about the policy of the Federal Government. The office must separate strictly between expressions of the Federal Government and expressions the Federal Government basic parties.

In addition that falls Federal Information Service (Federal Intelligence Service) directly into the division of the Federal Chancellor. The budget of the Federal Information Service is contained, however for secrecy reasons only as sum total is estimated in the budget of the Office of the Federal Chancellor (so-called Reptile fund). The direct access to the secret service in questions relating to domestic affairs no knowledge projection/lead brings the Federal Chancellor, since the Federal Intelligence Service may operate only abroad. If necessary in outside and a certain advantage for the Federal Chancellor develops for safetypolitical questions.

German Federal Chancellors since 1949

Overview

¹: Among the term of office also the periods are ranked, in those the Federal Chancellors between meet here the new federal daily or their resignation and the choice of a new Federal Chancellor and/or. the renewed choice to the Federal Chancellor in the sense of article 69 of the Basic Law formally only the business resumed:

• (6. to 9. October 1953, 15. to 22. October 1957, 17. October to 7. November 1961 and 15. to 16. October 1963),
• Ludwig Erhard (19. to 20 October 1965 and 30. November to 1. December 1966),
• Kurt George Kiesinger (20 to 21. October 1969),
• Willy Brandt (13. to 14. December 1972),
• Helmut Schmidt (14. to 15. December 1976 and 4. to 5. November 1980 as well as - if necessary some hours - to 1. October 1982),
• (29. March 1983: some hours, 18. February to 11 March 1987, 20. Dezember 1990 bis 17. Januar 1991, 10. bis 15. November 1994 und 26. bis 27. Oktober 1998),
• Gerhard Schröder (17. bis 22. Oktober 2002 und 18. Oktober bis 22. November 2005)

²: There Willy Brandt the Federal President, Gustav Heinemann, according to the article 69 of the Basic Law the continuation of the business to be assigned officiated on request of the Federal President the past vice-chancellor had asked, Walter cross-eyed, up to the choice of Helmut Schmidt as Federal Chancellors.

Summaries of the individual Kanzlerschaften

Konrad Adenauer (1949-1963)

term of office was substantially coined/shaped of events with regard to foreign policy. The west connection also NATOEntry and establishment that EGKS, the foundation-stone that European union, it set for that against the resistance SPD through. It brought those French-German reconciliation in front and signed 1963 that French-German friendship treaty. Likewise it sat down in strong measure for those GermanJewish reconciliation . It - beside his successor Ludwig Erhard - that becomes also relating to domestic affairs Wirtschaftswunder, the strong economic recovery of the West German society, taken into account. By sociopolitical resolutions like those Distribution of burdens legislation or the dynamic Pension reached it the integration of refugees, the remuneration of victims of the The Second World War and the education of a stable society with broad middle class. Its strict refusal becomes negative against Ludwig Erhard as a successor, its behavior in that Mirror affair, its Uneindeutigkeit with the question about the candidacy to Federal President 1959 and its absolute holding to power 1962/63 marked. Altogether Konrad Adenauer with its interpretation of the powers of the Federal Chancellor put important switches for the office understanding of its successors. Its 14-jaehrige term of office lasted longer than those Weimar Republic existed, in which 13 chancellors officiated.

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 from:21/10/1969 till:07/05/1974 SHIFT:(25,0) color:SPD text:Willy Brandt
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 from:27/10/1998 till:22/11/2005 SHIFT:(25,0) color:SPD text:
 from:22/11/2005 till:end to SHIFTS:(25,0) color:CDU text:Angela Merkel

Ludwig Erhard (1963-1966)

Ludwig Erhard came as a man of the Wirtschaftswunders to power. Its chancellor shank stood however already because of the attacks the Adenauers on its successor and an using easy economic weakness phase under no good star. As the most important act its chancellor shank is considered the admission of diplomatic relations too Israel under acceptance of violent protests from Arab states. It tried to strengthen the relations with the United States why it as "Atlantiker" in contrast to "Gaullisten"Adenauer was designated. Erhard fell finally over economic problems and the disagreement in his party. After the retreat of the FDP Ministers from the government in October 1966 negotiations began over one another picture of a Federal Chancellor represented. "chieftain silver tongue" mediated between the two large parties CDU and SPD instead of determining. Important topic of its term of office was the penetration that Emergency acts. Because of its earlier NSDAPMembership was it attacks that 68erGeneration suspended; with this overlapped itself those Ausserparlamentari opposition. Kurt George Kiesingers Union missed in that Election to the Bundestag 1969 the absolute majority scarcely.

Willy Brandt (1969-1974)

The emigrant Willy Brandt was first Social Democrat in the chancellorship. It sat down for those East contracts and thereby the reconciliation with of Germany promoted eastern neighboring countries. Also it placed the relations with GDR on a new basis. This attitude provided in conservative circles violent opposition for it, the 1972 even to a scarcely failing Vote of no confidence against it led. On the other hand it received that for its efforts with regard to foreign policy The Nobel peace prize. Relating to domestic affairs he wanted to dare "more democracy"; it was therefore particularly with the younger voters likes. Into its term of office those fell Oil crisis 1973, which led to a rise of unemployment, which again Brandts harmed reputation. After unmasking its close coworker Guenter Guillaume as a GDR feeler gauge Brandt withdrew due to woman stories, on whose account was allegedly extortable he by Guillaumes espionage.

Helmut Schmidt (1974-1982)

Helmut Schmidt Willy Brandts came into the office as a successor. The terror that RAF, particularly 1977, the first years of its term of office coined/shaped: It proceeded against the terrorists with hardness, remained however strict thereby in the framework of the Right state. Relating to domestic affairs he pursued one - for a social liberal coalition - rather conservative course. Its support of the NATO double resolution, with which many SPD members did not agree, the end of its term of office rang. It 1982 finally came because of politico-economic differences of the coalition partners, which FDP, lost, to which with Helmut Kohls CDU united.

Helmut Kohl (1982-1998)

became by a constructional Vote of no confidence against Helmut Schmidt with the voices of CDU, CSU and the majority of the FDP parliamentary group to the new Federal Chancellor selected. He promised a "mental-moral at the beginning of his term of office Turn", a requirement, to which it could consider according to general estimate however hardly. In the first weeks its chancellor shank it led constitutionally disputed by means of one Question of confidence the dissolution federaldaily and preferred new elections here. Its personal vision was "Europe without impact trees", that the Schengen states with that Schengener agreement finally also carried out. Likewise Kohl sat down strongly for the establishment of the . Helmut Kohls name is close with that German unit linked: 1989 ergriff 唔模子Gunst der Stunde nach dem Case of the wall and that provided in international negotiations for the agreement Soviet Union to Reunification and the all-German NATOMembership. Relating to domestic affairs large problems resulted, there the economy in East Germany against of Kohl estimate of the coming "from the reunificationflowering landscapes"had broken down. The difficulties of the Structure east were determining for its later term of office. Finally it became 1998 also because of record unemployment voted out.

Gerhard Schroeder (1998-2005)

briefly its chancellor shank began with its after start red-green coalition a set of Reform projects, those toward end of the first term of office a phase that "calm hand" followed. With regard to foreign policy Schroeder continued first the transatlantic partnership like its predecessors: 1999 und 2001 supported Germany within the framework that Alliance loyalty those NATO in Kosovo and in Afghanistan. 2002 however Schroeder refused its agreement to the USA to Iraq war. 模子镀金面- neben 食道erachteten Krisenmanagement w5ahrend der 的seinem als Century flood in east and Northern Germany - as important reason for its . 2003 designated it with that Agenda 2010 its reform program for the second term of office, particularly it unemployment not - as at the beginning its term of office announced - had been able to lower. This program went political linking too far, while economiceconomics groups not far enough were. After a heavy SPD defeat with that Election of the federal parliament in North Rhine-Westphalia 2005 reached Gerhard Schroeder by means of one Question of confidence the dissolution of the federal daily and preferred new elections in the autumn 2005, also because he saw the confidence of the coalition in itself impaired. It lost these elections scarcely, could however a large coalition from union and SPD force.

Angela Merkel (since 2005)

Angela Merkel became to 22. November 2005 to the Bundeskanzlerin selected. The first woman, who dresses the highest government office of Germany, supports herself by one from CDU, CSU and SPD. It received the voices from 397 of the 614 delegates of the German federal daily. This were less 51 voices than the coalition parties for the order have.

Literature

• William of star castle (Hrsg.): The German chancellors. From Bismarck to Kohl. Athenaeum publishing house, soil home publishing house, 1998, ISBN 3-7610-8382-3
• Wolfgang Rudzio: The political system of the Federal Republic of Germany. UTB 2000, ISBN 3-8100-2593-3, S. 283-314
• Guido Knopp, Alexander Berkel, Stefan Brauburger: Chancellor. The powerful ones of the republic. Goldmann 2000, ISBN 3-442-15067-1
• Marion countess Doenhoff: Germany, your chancellors. Btb with the Goldmanns 1999, ISBN 3-442-75559-X
• Karl Heinz Niclauss: Chancellor democracy. UTB 2004, ISBN 3-8252-2432-5
• Hans's small: 模子Bundeskanzler 4., edition extended 2000 with edition q, ISBN 3-86124-521-3
• Baring, Arnulf: In the beginning was Adenauer. The emergence of the chancellor democracy, Munich (1982), ISBN 3423100974

Web on the left of

• Website of the Federal Chancellor
• Scientific services of the federal daily, Choice of the Federal Chancellor

This article became into those taken up.