Gustav Stresemann

Gustav Stresemann (* 10. May 1878 in Berlin; † 3. October 1929 in Berlin) was a German politician, realm chancellor as well as a minister of foreign affairs in the time of the Weimar Republic and Nobel peace prize carrier (1926).

Table of contents

literature

6 Web on the left of [work on] lives as only of five children of the beer dealer Ernst Stresemann. In Andreas at that time it interested material High School in Berlin Friedrichshainitself particularly for the subject history and the Biografien of well-known personalities such as Napoleon or Goethe. From 1897 to 1900 Stresemann in Berlin and Leipzig studied political economy at the beginning of literature and history and changes then into the subject. 1900 it terminated its study alsoa graduation over the topic the growth of the citizens of Berlin bottle beer industry. Stresemanns father was owner small citizens of Berlin of a tavern, a Budike in such a way specified. From 1901 to 1904 Stresemann worked as negotiator and lobbyist of the federation of the chocolate manufacturers and could there substantial fate under proofplace.

In the year 1903 Stresemann Käthe clover field married, with which he should have two sons (Wolfgang and Joachim). During the study Stresemann was member of the Reformburschenschaft Neogermania. Käthe was sister of a connecting brother and daughter of the Industriellen Adolf clover field from Berlin. Käthe Stresemann, those, played a large role in the social life of Berlin was from Jewish descent in the 20's. After earlier political sympathies for the nationalsocial association of Friedrich Naumann began Stresemann in the same year 1903 a political career with the entrance into the national liberal a party.Stresemann was considered as Crown Prince of his political Mentors Ernst Bassermann. 1906 he was selected to the town councillor in Dresden. Its support of social measures brought it more frequently in conflict with the right wing to its party, which by member of the Saxonian heavy industry one dominated. This wing prevented 1912a re-election into the party executive committee. After it had lost 1912 also its seat in Reichstag, Stresemann as well as other experts of economic politics undertook a study trip into the USA. Stresemann was member in the German colonial association and in other numerous federations and associations, so the German-American commercial company. Stresemannsupport the German fleet politics, which are seen as a cause for the development to the First World War.

Gustav Stresemann was starting from 1907 several times member of Reichstag (constituency in Saxonian district Anna mountain), first until 1912, then again from 1914 to 1918. 1917 became he leader of the parliamentary group and from 1920 to 1929 again delegates in Reichstag. In the year 1918 he was selected to the chairman of the party of the NLP and justified the right liberal DVP also. 1923 it became during French Ruhr occupation for a short time realm chancellor and remained up toits death of 1929 ministers of foreign affairs.

German Reich

Stresemann was convinced monarchist. In the First World War it was its goal with regard to foreign policy of help wilhelmischen Germany to a position under the world powers. Its beginning for this lay in an expansive German economic policy. As a conditionregarded he internal stability, as an argument understood he the military strength. The confidence, which it brought that politically to responsible persons in Germany, let it become a representative of an aggressive annex ion and war goal politics.

it

created Weimar Republic after the defeat of the realmin the spring 1919 with former national liberal party members the DVP. As its goal with regard to foreign policy it announced that it wanted to lead back Germany from „the time of the national disgrace and Würdelosigkeit to (...) of Germany size and Germany world regulation”. Its objective had itself thus briefly after firstWorld war not fundamentally changed.

It rejected the peace order decided in Versailles as unreasonable. In the present Treaty he saw the Entehrung Germany. But the moral component of the contract weighed for it less heavily than the economic and territorial consequences. Concerning the new German east borders were it doubts about the historical correctness and safetypolitical considerations opposite Poland, which let it become the opponent of the regulations. Although Stresemann rejected the Versailler contract, he was not ready to take the responsibility for a refusal of the present Treaty those unquestionably a military intervention of the allied ones would have pulled. He came to the insight that the keeping and penetration of the German interests were to be reached not approximately, but only on the basis of the new peace order. When member that Weimar national assembly and the realm daily operated he material politics so mentioned and stepped,as it sawed in later, for reason reasons for the republic .

Already in wilhelminischen Germany Stresemann politico-economic insights served as starting point of considerations with regard to foreign policy. The remaining German resource after 1918 he still understood source of power as only Germany the available. Reparationsproblem, east borders and Rhine land question, all thiswas his opinion after in itself a mutually causing subordinate position. It wanted to look for an improvement of the German situation by a communication with the Western powers and in particular France.

During French Ruhr occupation Stresemann supported first the passive resistance of the government Cuno. As the economical andpolitical situation however became ever more critical, took over to 13. August 1923 a coalition government from DVP, center, strip packing and SPD the government and Stresemann became realm chancellor. Stresemann gave way to the French pressure and broke the Ruhr fight off offering no prospects . Around the inflation into the graspto get, he initiated a currency reform with the introduction of the pension Marks. With its politics it introduced the consolidation of the Weimar Republic . Its reign nevertheless already ended after a failed question of confidence to 23. November 1923. In particular the unequal treatment of the countries Thuringia, Saxonia was disputedand Bavaria.

foreign policy

Stresemann became however a minister of foreign affairs in the government William Marx following on it 'and coined/shaped in this position up to its death the German foreign policy. During its time as ministers of foreign affairs it set its fundamental, already goals of one formulated in the apronfeasible German foreign policy, through. It normalized the relations with France, in order to achieve a peaceful revision of the Versailler of contract. It concentrated on a multilateral integration of Germany into the new state order and did themselves without nationalistic single-handed attempts.

Important stations of the foreign policy Stresemanns were that Dawes plan 1924, which regulated the reparation payments of Germany again, the contracts of Locarno 1925 and concomitantly the equal admission into the Völkerbund 1926. When it availed itself in its famous speech on the occasion of the entrance of a freimaurerischen vocabulary clearly, it excited attention:

That mankind does not have göttliche building masters of the earth production as a homogeneous whole. It gave to the peoples different bloodstreams, it gave them as Heiligtum of its soul her native language, it gave them as homeland of countries of different nature. But it cannot the sense of a göttlichen world orderits fact that humans turn their national maximum output against each other and so that back-throws the general culture development again and again. That is developed mankind at most to serve, that, being rooted in the own people, it mentally and mentally giving for the highest meaning and thus, over the borders of theown people exceeding, which is able to give whole mankind something, as the large ones of all nations did it, their names in mankind history is written down. Thus nation and mankind in mental area are connected, then it can be also connected in political striving, if thatWill is there to serve in this sense of the total development.

1928 had Stresemann important portion of coming off the Briand Kellogg pact, when he mediated between the USA and France.

For its reconciliation work it received the Nobel peace prize together with its French colleague Aristide Briand 1926. InGermany was malfunctioned to it however an appropriate acknowledgment for its foreign policy; it was insulted for its Verständigungspolitik asa fulfilment politician “.

the end of one era

after the Regierungsgeschäfte its health, died Gustav Stresemann at the 3 had already before strongly attacked. October 1929 in Berlin at the consequences of an impact accumulation. With Stresemann the Weimar Republic lost one of its most capable democratic politicians and according to common opinion their only real statesman. Death Stresemanns and the beginning of the world economic crisis marked the beginning of the end that in October 1929 Weimar ones Republic. A half year later withdrew the government of the large coalition from SPD, strip packing, DVP and center, and the era of the Präsidialkabinette, which should flow into the chancellor shank Adolf Hitler, began.

the controversy

over Stresemanns hit way of the revision throughthe Verständigungspolitik was again and again controversially discussed in the research as also in the policy. It does not cause difficulty to make it on basis of the sources either a European of the first hour or a radical nationalist. Its conservative-nationalistic German opponent evaluated itsPolitics as un-German and flexible. And the long time as key document understood letter to its friend, who Crown Prince William of Prussia, in which Stresemann great power politics outlined a strongly nationalistic, which it wanted to operate, left some critics still into the 1980ern, like e.g. the FrenchHistorians Raymond Poidevin, judge: Stresemann is a noteworthy „Opportunist”, which uses the diplomatic weapon, in order the Western powers „to outwit” and „the feeling of security (too) arouses”, in order to then connect regulations from Versailles „besides gradually with partial revisions ”.

The reproach one contains such statementsecret policy Stresemanns. But that the revision of the Versailler of contract was its long-term goal, to it Stresemann did not leave doubts. These desires were also the foreign statesmen trust. It is crucial that the way clearly on the basis of the new peace order over international negotiations, hit by Stresemannto lead should. Stresemann operated, a republican foreign policy which is based on economic basis, which stood out in method and objective of the foreign policy of the empire as „totalitarian state “(Thomas Nipperdey) and the militarily expansive National Socialist foreign policy of Hitler and may stress self-sufficiency in German history. Extreme one Judgements become Stresemann, which always held during the Weimar Republic from political extremes distance and warned of them, not fairly. In the modern research its meaning is gradually related, there numerous documents, which were only substantially later to the science at the disposal, a substantially milder pictureStresemanns draw.

other

the Stresemann, an elegant and comfortable suit, is designated after Gustav Stresemann.

quotations

would have come to meet „if the allied ones me only once, I the people behind me would have brought, this very day would know I itbring behind me. But they gave me nothing and came always too late the slight concessions, which made them. Thus nothing else remains for us as the brutal force. The future lies in the hand of the new generation, and this, the German youth,which we could have won for the peace and reconstruction, have we lost. Herein my tragedy and it, which allied, are appropriate for crimes. ”

Stresemann briefly before its death to the diplomat Sir Albert Bruce LOCK-hard.

literature

  • Arnold, George: Gustav Stresemann and the problemthe German east borders, Frankfurt A.M. 2000.
  • Manfred mountain: Gustav Stresemann. A political career between realm and republic. Goettingen and Zurich 1992. ISBN 3-7881-0141-5
  • Theodor ash castle and Ulrich franc Planitz: Gustav Stresemann. A Bildbiographie. Stuttgart 1978. ISBN 3-4210-1840-5
  • Eberhard Kolb: Gustav Stresemann.Munich 2003. (=Beck `sche row knowledge2315), ISBN 3-406-480152
  • Peter Krüger: The foreign policy of the republic of Weimar. Darmstadt 1985, ISBN 3-534-07250-2
  • Poidevin, Raymond: The jerky great power. Germany and the world in 20. Century, Freiburg and peppering castle 1985.

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