Link fascism

link fascism (also: red fascism) is a political term, with which in different connections totalitarian state systems or the policy of left-wing oriented parties and groups are evaluated as „fascistically ":

The term serves in the Federal Republic of Germany since 1967 nearly only for the polarize-mixed devaluation of politically left-wing oriented groups and parties. It contains the reproach, the social order wise for their part fascist, anti-liberal and totalitarian elements aimed at by them up and promotes a Entdemokratisierung in thatpolitical development. Differently than the fascism term the political science however hardly uses the term for the scientific description of an ideology or a social order.

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original use in the context of the Totalitarismusbegriffs

after the choice victory of Benito Mussolini in Italyif the liberal Giovanni Amendola designated first the Italian fascists, then also the Stalinisten 1925 as “in a totalitarian manner “(totalitario): Fascism such as communism are a “totalitarian reaction to liberalism and democracy “. The party leadership of the fascists at the beginning of of 1926 took up this reproach, around itto take up positively for its ideology and politics. Now the entire conservative liberal opposition transferred the thesis of the structural similarity of the two dictatorships to Italy. In this connection the leader of the people's party wrote - a forerunner of the later „Democrazia Cristiana “-,Priest Don Luigi Sturzo, in its book „Italy and fascism " (1926):

„Altogether one can state only one difference between Russia and Italy that the bolshevism is a communist dictatorship or a link fascism and fascism is a conservative dictatorship or a right bolshevism. “

The term is thus like the Totalitarismusthese originally a polarizing mixer combat term, which rejects two political systems as dictatorships and in addition their ideologies parallelisiert.

Particularly in its Hauptwerk “The Origins OF Totalitarianism” (1951) gave philosophies Hannah Arendt to the term of the totalitarianism a theoretical foundationand the similarities of national socialism and Stalinismus intensively analyzes. Straight it used the term “fascism” as common generic term for it however not and limited its analysis expressly to the Soviet Union up to Stalins death 1953.

Tying to the fascist self understanding also some historians have social, anti-capitalisticElements within European fascism as “link fascism” labels.Petrol seriousness Schüddekopf about wrote the history of fascism” (Bertelsmann 1973) in the book “up to everything in pieces of broken glass falls -:

“Other fascist movements in Europe however took socialism quite seriously, so that in the typology also of“Link fascism” is spoken. The French fascists Marcel Deat, Eugene Deloncle, Jaques Doriot and Valois came from socialism and were anxious to realize it in a national form. Also in fascism Mosleys was to be taken the socialist component quite seriously. Its at Keynes orient politico-economic viewsit had developed party in the labour party and even in the left-wing oriented Independent labour. Primarily around the overcoming of unemployment and the creation of healthy economical conditions went to it. “

Here the term is thus understood after origin and goals as a national socialismand tendentious positively rated.

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use against Social Democrats and communist

around 1925 took over the KPD under Ruth Fischer Stalins social fascism - thesis: Afterwards the “reformists” of the failed 2 applied. International one, thus the Western European, above all the German social-democracy now as stirrup owners of the arising Fascism. This ideological classification had the power-politics sense to strengthen the member parties of the “Komintern “steered of Moscow opposite their competitors and to support at the same time the totalEuropean claim to leadership of the CPSU in the workers' movement. Thereby effective coalitions between communists and Social Democrats became actual inDefense fight against fascism prevents.

As reaction to it also the SPD strengthened its anticommunist attitude. For it for instance the later chairman of the SPD , briefly , explained Schumacher 1930 before the realm banner Württemberg:

“The way of the unfortunately rather numerous proletarian Hakenkreuzler goes over the communists,the double expenditures of the national socialists only red-painted in reality are. The hate against the democracy and the preference for force are common to both. “

This was shortened after 1945 to the often quoted Diktum of “the red-painted fascists”.

Otto Rühle, since 1914 anti-militaryist, 1918 joint founders that KPD, then however 1920 founders of the “communist labour party” (KAPD) as reaction to the Ruhr fights, coined/shaped 1939 again in the review on the failure of the “people front “- efforts against the ascent of the NSDAP the term red fascism used with link fascism. It followed therebystalinistischen “social fascism “- thesis, although it was no Stalinist and rejected the “cleanings” in the Soviet Union. In its account writing of 1939 from that Mexican exile with the title „brown ones and red fascism “he criticized the process of the November revolution of 1918, particularly Friedrich EbertArrangements for bloody striking down of the advice movement, which large socializations prevented, with the words:

„The war alliance with the Bourgeoisie had attributed the German social-democracy to its true nature basis. It had been only apparently a socialist movement. For many decades it had over in the reason the civilPrinciple of their constitution emisled. But it had never been able to overcome it. It was and remained a smallcivil reform party of the disappointed ones, Zukurzgekommenen, at the capitalistic ascent prevented. No revolutionary movement, but only one revolt of wild-become liking gladly capitalists. “
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use against the APO

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thatDialogue Habermas - Dutschke

to 9. June 1967 took place following the funeral of Benno Ohnesorg a congress of the socialist German student federation (SDS) in Hanover with approximately 5,000 participants. Jürgen Habermas, sociologist and philosopher of the Frankfurt school, said afterthe end of the public discussion with Rudi Dutschke:

Mr. Dutschke only spoke as concrete suggestion that a sit-down strike is to take place. That is a demonstration with forceless means. I ask myself, why he in such a way does not call that and why he one three-quarter hour afterused to suggest in order to develop a voluntaristische ideology here, which one called in the year 1848 utopian socialism, however fascism” left under today's circumstances - anyhow I believe to have reasons this terminology - “to call must.

Dutschke had before sit-down strikes at the universitiesup to the clearing-up of shooting of Ohnesorg and the education suggested of „action committees " for the politicalization of the universities as part of one „conscious breaking through of the established rules ". It did not regard like many students the division of power „of the civil democracy " as a result of shooting Ohnesorg as functionally: ThoseVictims were marked to the authors, the actual author would remain in liberty, those responsible persons remained political in their offices. After experiences for many years with announced demonstrations approximately against the Viet Nam war it wanted to force „the sublime force “of the civil society through „organized irregularity”, „communist manifesto toobecome. “Nichtangemeldete actions should make the dominant suppression mechanisms conscious for the population. Thus wanted Dutschke explain-measured further victims to avoid and at the same time a feared intimidation of the protesting by shooting Ohnesorg meet.

Habermas attacked the theoretical reason of this concept of the purposeful anti-authoritarian provocation. It compared itwith the utopian socialism 19. Century, which did not consider the conditions of a successful revolution, and which Voluntarismus, alone from the conscious „will to power " the revolutionary made a social revolution dependent for which, instead of of the economic ripe one the society. Behind it also its Marxist stood Explanation of fascism: This was for „the critical theory " in the 30's the consequence and the latent club of outward liberally arising capitalism. These from left one threaten as in the Italy of the early twenties or in the Germany of the world economic crisis,put he his pseudodemocratic mask down and assign fascism as it were to smash the threat from left by force. Evenly this, feared Habermas now, could happen, if Dutschke and the SDS provoked the civil state with illegal actions, without having the chance nevertheless, itto overcome by a successful revolution. By an equating of the left Militanz of the APO with fascism Habermas was thus far.

In the heated situation at that time however particularly the conservative media took up the reproach of link fascism, although completely differently, than Habermas ithad meant, and reinterpreted Dutschkes concept thereby to the Gegengewalt, challenge of government authority and acceptance of people injuries. In addition, prominent politicians used the label for the characterisation of the APO. Thus for instance later Federal Minister of Justice Horst Ehmke ( SPD) on the SPD Party Congress in Nuremberg said 1968:

So farit (the anti-liberal action directe) discussions blows up, lectures disturbs, newspapers burns and windowpanes hits, earns it as “pseudoleft fascism” to be quite designated. This kind of protest will not change the smallest in the existing lack of our society. It becomes rather the reaction in thisCountry strengthen, fascism “do not draw out”, but along-produce.

Death Benno Ohnesorg caused a radicalization of parts of the except-parliamentary opposition (APO), from which also the terror „of the Red Army parliamentary group came out „.

Habermas took its reproach repeated publicly back, already in its essay „to university reformand protest movement ", then also in a letter at Erich Fried of 26. July 1967:

I have in Hanover of “link fascism” in a clearly hypothetical connection spoken.

In a letter of 13. May 1968 at C. Grossner it wrote besides:

First of all I do not have at that timeseen that the new forms of the provocation a meaningful to force legitimate and even necessary means are, in order discussions, where them are refused.
Secondly I had at that time fear of the irrationalistic implications of a procedure, which under the Topos “the rules break” were introduced. ThisI preserve fears today also, therefore the intention of my remark at that time did not change. Certainly I would avoid [...] today [...] the label of left fascism, not only, because this label the rough misunderstanding of an identification of the SDS with the right studentsBeginning of the thirties caused, but because I became at all uncertain in the meantime whether the actual new at the present revolts can be met by spirit-historical parallels.
Thirdly still do not regard I use of force in the present situation as a justifiable means of thepolitical fight.

Particularly under the impression of the medium reporting approximately „1977 Habermas took critical intellectual ones before „link fascism " to sympathizer " the linking errorists in protection; he kept its criticism of anti-liberals and anti-democratic courses of the APO upright thereby.

The key word link fascism becomes nevertheless since always 1967 again the overallpejorativen characterisation of left-progressive actions and goals used.

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Daniel Cohn Bendits self criticism

in a mirror - interview from May 2001 granted Daniel Cohn Bendit, „to old 68er “and European delegate of the Greens, partly „left-fascist " tendencies of the student movement at that time. It determined first observing:

Whichit concerns us then I know today that there is no movement, which clean is. Movements go through obviously inevitably an ideological Dogmatisierungsprozess, because they in this way only Kraft apply to concern against resistances. That can be demonstrated also to the Ökobewegung or the women's movement.

Inthis connection came he on his part on the criticism of Jürgen Habermas to the APO to speak:

I discussed once with Jürgen Habermas 1968 and the consequences. I said to him, our largest error was the lack of democratic sensitivity, andI am it afterwards right given for its sentence of the link fascism of the students.

On the further inquiry whether the events as a result 2. June 1967 already „link fascism ", answered Bendit were:

It was anti-authoritarianly, dear ore acre, socialromantically, tenderly and solidary, in addition, left-authoritarianly and linksstalinistisch.In the manifestation it resembled then the faschistoiden behavior.

To the further further inquiry, whether also Joschka Fischer's had been left fascist behavior opposite a policeman, whom he flogged with four „road fighters " and stones in the hand „", it answered:

No, it is link Machism. We had sooften flog referred by the police that they decided, any longer not to run away - they wanted to stand finally once their man. Our self-righteousness, our inability to open discussions, which to us Peter Boenisch reproaches rightfully, is true miracles a point [...] I would have already much in former timesto the policeman to go are, who was heavily hurt with the my yard demonstration in May 1976 by a gasoline bomb.
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use in the historical revisionism

in the historian controversy tried above all Ernst Nolte to extend the up to then usual fascism definition in such a way that the Stalinismus as oneA cause of the national socialism reacting to it to appear could. Since then the term of link fascism is used gladly by historical revisionists, in order to relate the national socialism as a “kind of play” of fascism. This intention applies particularly also for the Holocaust: Stalins crimes are as of equal standing or worse forerunners andModels for the crimes of the Hitler regime appear.

The revisionist Hans Helmuth Knütter wrote the book the fascism club to 1993 - the last quantity that linking. It serves for the protection from historical aspects, which insistieren on the incomparableness of the Holocaust. To it also Martin Walser with its attachedPeace price speech from 1998 on . It coined/shaped there the term of the moral club Auschwitz: The memory at the Holocaust is abused, in order to awake-hold permanent debt feelings and forbid the Germans to be a completely normal people.

Since that time this argumentation way belongs to the common standard repertoire of right-conservative,Rechtspopulisten and right-wing extremist. Thus the right-extremist German Kolleg formulated meals around refuge:

We thank Martin Walser that he made the weapon perceptible for the world with the designation of the Auschwitzkeule, with which the germinating resistance of the Germans each day on the new are struck down.

Ita prohibition for all Jewish municipalities demanded.

From the relating use of the fascism term for the minimization of the Nazi crimes thus a historical line leads to the revival and revaluation of fascist goals.

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use of right-wing extremist

right-wing extremist groups and parties like the NPD use the term todayagainst many parties, which are left-wing oriented from their view: of the anti-fascist spectrum over the Party of Democratic Socialism up to the Greens and representatives of the SPD, which endorse a “rebellion of the decent ones” (Gerhard Schröder). They do not take on historical genesis and content of the fascism termConsideration, so that the Korrelatbegriff “link fascism” serves them exclusively for the Diffamierung of political opponents and self revaluation as “democratic right ones”.

By some groups, which the NPD is close, the term is used positively, in order to take in parts of the left-wing extreme voter potential: Therefore is anti-capitalism the common denominator of Nationalist and socialist its. Thus it means to the “defectors” of former SDS members such as refuge meals, Henry Lefevre or Bernd Rabehl:

“These “right people from left” have indeed by their fight against the multi-criminal mass company and the Amerikanisierung of our life the anti-capitalistic,anti-imperialistic and socialist roots of the nationalism again opened. As if link have it consciously a conclusion line pulled to the anti-company-left, which soils the own nation in the interest of the US imperialism. In the same way they read in addition, neoliberalen “rights” the anti-capitalistic Leviten. ”

Here are offered thusRight-wing extremists as genuine political homeland for homeless anti-capitalists on and use “link fascism”, in order to pull within the socialist movement “social nationalist” or “national socialist” on their side.

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use in the controversy over the genetic engineering (Sloterdijk)

the German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk publicises since 1999 in lecturesand essays to life sciences among other things “people production” and uses thereby terms like “people breed” and “anthropotechnics”. It wants the dismantling of national regulations, in order to raise the germ course therapy and vorgeburtliche diagnostics including selection from “incorrect” embryos to the rule.

This released a violent debate, in of themProcess Sloterdijk among other thingsRacingism was accused and he “Kryptofaschist “was called. Whereupon it reacted for his part with the reproach of “link fascism” against its critics. In this conflict it concerned also the inheritance of the critical theory, which explained Sloterdijk for “dead”: Philosophymake a “ptolemäische disarmament” is to finally profess itself to “kopernikanischen mobilization” and. He meant with it the placing of from his view overhauled, dogma tables ideologies, particularly within the range of in a marxist manner affected social sciences.

The discussion around the fascism term is thus by the ethical problem of the newbiological and medical possibilities, which the genetic engineering opens, again on come. The concern that a selection of „with high order wins " to Ungunsten of „lebensunwertem " life under the hand by the work of facts at area, is already since beginning of the 1970er years in theologyexpressed (e.g. by Karl Rahner: To the problem of the genetic manipulation from the view of the theologian).

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summary

in view of the fact that the German postwarleft understands itself even as anti-fascist, weighs the reproach of a link fascism heavily. It worked in the publicDebate frequently as equating of left society theories with fascism and made thereby a differentiated argument more difficult with them actually. As is the case for many key words within the field of the policy the use verselbstständigte itself in relation to the original sense of the word: It often did not become the criticism onDivide an ideology used, but until today also for the purposeful Diffamierung.

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literature

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