Gaio Sallustio Crispo
Gaio Sallustio Crispo nacque to Amiternum, in the Sabina (today Saint Vittorino, fraction of ), in86 AC, from one facoltosa family, but without political traditions (homo novus, like its conterraneo Catone the Censor, that it was for he important ideological and literary example), studied to and it joined to the program of i populares.
Like tribuno of the plebe, in , campaign upset against Milone lead one champion of the ottimati ones and uccisore of Clodio and against that it supported it. Little after it endured the vendetta of the aristocrats and in 50 AC it was expelled from the senate for moral indegnità. After the explosion of the civil war schierò with Cesar and, after its Victoria, it was riammesso in the senate. Defeats the pompeiani in , Cesar name governing Sallustio of the province of Africa nova (Numidia). But Sallustio was pessimo a governor and, to the return, it was accused of imbezzlement. Cesar, for evitargli the sentence and one new expulsion from the senate, probably advised it to withdraw itself from the political life. Sallustio married Terenzia then, that it had divorced in 46 AC from Guide, and it was dedicated to the historiography, it died in 34 AC, leaving incompiuta its work greater, Historiae.
Two historical monographys: Bellum Catilinae (or De Catilinae coniuratione) and Bellum Jugurthinum, composed and published in the years between 43 AC and 40 AC. Numerous fragments of a work remain immenser breath, Historiae, begun around to 39 AC and remained incompiuta. Spurie works: two Epistulae to publica Caesarem senem de king and invectiva in Ciceronem.
The historical monography like literary kind
To both its monographys, Bellum Catilinae and Bellum Jugurthinum, Sallustio put in front a proemio. The little contained autobiographic signals in the proemi try to explain the abandonment of the political life with the crisis that has corrupt the institutions and the society. Sallustio tries to justify the fact to have abandoned the political life dedicating itself to the composition of historical works, of forehead to a public who considered more important to make the history, rather than to write some.
For Sallustio the historiography intrinsically is connected to the formation of the political man. Sallustio, and in that is obvious the contrast between written and the its life, denunciation the greed of wealth and being able as the evils that poison the roman political life. The sallustiana historiography stretches to shape itself like surveying on the crisis. The monographic system of its two first historical works constituted one innovation nearly total in the Rome historiography: Bellum Catilinae it introduces delineating itself of a subversive danger, Bellum Jugurthinum it finds the inability of nobilitas corrupt to defend the State.
Catilina, whose conspiracy Guide consul had repressed in , it had tried to unite the adverse forces to the senatorio regimen: the city proletariato one, the poor ranks, the become indebted members of the aristocracy. After the proemio, Sallustio outlines the personality of Catilina. The character of the aristocratic corrupt is framed in the general forfeiture of the customs roman, due to extending of the empire and to spreading of the lusso and the riches. Making use of the moral degradation, Catilina groups around himself ambiguous personages who, for various reasons, auspicano a change of regimen.
Catilina extends the own eversive wefts to all Italy and assembles to Fiesole an army composed in wide part of deprives of hope to you. Is consul Guide, Catilina, defeated in the consular elections, completes some attacks to the life of the consul, than but they fail. Guide obtains from the senate the full powers in order to suffocate the rebellion,8 November of the 63 AC, Catilina accusation in senate (1ª Catilinaria). Catilina escapes from Rome, and catches up just the army, the senate declares public enemy to it. Sallustio introduces a digressione on the reasons of the degeneration of the political life and on the conditions that have favorite the activity of Catilina, then it resumes narration. Guide has the tangible tests of the conspiracy and ago to emprison the remained accomplices of Catilina in city, the senate gathers in order to deliberate on their fate. After that it has been proposed the sentence a.morte, contrappongono the speeches of and of Catone the Young person (Uticense). The first one asks a milder pain, the second ribadisce the necessity of the sentence a.morte. After to have some brought back the speeches, Sallustio introduces a parallel between Cesar and Catone, personages from the opposite and complementary dowries, the single great men of the time. The Accomplices of Catilina are puttinges a.morte. Catilina, to head of its army, tries to shelter itself in Gallia Transalpina, but is intercepted the regular and forced army to the combat near (January ). The rebellious army is destroyed and the same Catilina, after to have fought valorosamente, dies in battle.
Sallustio sees in the catilinario danger one of the symptoms of the serious crisis of the roman society, to it the historian, nearly to the beginning of Bellum Catilinae, interrupting the narration, it dedicates a wide one excursus, said "archaeology", than trace one fast history of the rise and the forfeiture of Rome. The crucial point is characterized in the destruction of Cartagine, event which Sallustio makes to begin the deterioration of the roman moralità, with the cessation of the fear towards the external enemies. In such process of degeneration, Sallustio attributes a relief role to the figure of the aristocratic dictator Lucio Cornelio Silla, to whose example the individuals of the ream of Catilina inspire themselves. The historian insists on the horror of the sillane proscrizioni, in which Catilina sadly he had distinguished himself.
A second excursus, placed to the center of the work, denunciation the degeneration of the roman political life in the years between the domination of Silla and the civil war between Cesar and Pompeo. The sentence hits both the two parts in fight, i populares and the supporters of the senate, the demagogues whom, with elargizioni and promises they instigate the plebe in order to make of the support of the own ambitions, and the aristocrats who make shield of the dignity of the senate, but only fight in truth in order to consolidate and to widen the own ones privilege.
Sallustio connects the faziosità of is left contrapposti to the danger of social sovversione. The sentence of the "regimen of you leave yourself" is coherent with the expectations that Sallustio riponeva in Cesar. The auspica historian who the general establishes an authoritarian regimen that places aim to the crisis of the State giving back prestige to a senate widened with coming from new men from élite of all Italy. Such attitude explains the partial deformation that, in Bellum Catilinae, Sallustio has completed of the personage of Cesar, purifying it from every contact with the catilinari. Sallustio detaches the conspiracy from corrected the political antiaristocrat and indicates in the corruption of the youth the cause before the conspiracy. In reporting the sitting of the senate in which the sentence a.morte of the accomplices of Catilina is decided, Sallustio makes to pronounce to Cesar a speech that, in order to advice against the sentence a.morte, adopts legalitarie considerations. "the rewritten" speech from Sallustio is not a substantial counterfeiting, but the insistence on the thematic legalitarie, if also it finds some I seize in the speech effectively held from Cesar in that occasion, is above all coherent with the cesariana propaganda of i Commentarii and with the political ideal of Sallustio.
Sallustio delineates ritratti of Catone and of Cesar, the idea of the comparison between the two personages is connected to the controversy on Catone, than suicide in Utica had been developed after its and to which it had taken it leave same Cesar. Sallustio tries an ideal "conciliation" between the two personages. Ritratto of Cesar is stopped on its liberalità and the infaticabile energy. The typical virtues dì Catone are instead those traditional integrities, severità, irreprensibilità. Differentiating i mores of the two personages, Sallustio characterizes complementary, positive qualities for the State. Above all, in the principles ethical-politi it asserts to us to you from Catone, Sallustio recognizes an irrenounceable foundation of the State. From the narration of Bellum Catilinae, the figure of Guide, the consul who had repressed the conspiracy, appears somewhat reorganized. The Guide of Sallustio is a magistrate whom ago its to restlessness and weaknesses also must not being a hero, exceeding. Of Catilina, Sallustio evidences the uncontrollable energy and the habit to every shape of depravation. While it outlines the personage, Sallustio judges it, but from the speeches that Catilina pronounces in the sallustiana monography emerges, probably to here of the same intentions of the historian, the deep reasons of the crisis of the roman state: the little powerful that monopolizes political charges and riches, taking advantage of people dominate and a mass to you without being able, covered of debits and deprive of true future perspectives.
Following is brani features from the "Bellum Catilinae" or "De Catilinae coniuratione" and constano of the Latin text and the relative translation.
Ritratto of Catilina
|1 L. Catilina, noble kind natus, fuit magna you ET minds ET corporis, sed ingenio malo pravoque. 2 Huic ab adulescentia beautiful intestina, caedes, rapinae, discord civilis grate to fuere, ibique iuventutem suam exercuit. 3 Corpus patiens inediae, algoris, vigiliae supra quam cuiquam credible east; 4 animus audax, subdolus, varius, cuius guilty lubet simulator ac dissimulator, averse adpetens, on the profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus. 5 Satis eloquentiae, sapientiae immoderata parum vastus animus, incredibilia, nimis high semper cupiebat. 6 Hunc post dominationem L. Sullae lubido maxuma invaserat guilty publicae capiundae, neque id quibus modis adsequeretur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quicquam tasks habebat. 7 Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia guilty familiaris ET conscientia scelerum, quae utraque iis artibus auxerat quas supra memoravi. 8 Praeterea Incitabant corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessuma ac divorsa Inter if mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant.||1 Catilina, been born from a noble family, had great force is of mind is of body, but of malignant and bad mind. 2 since the adolescence to this was appreciate the civil wars, the massacres, the holdups and the civil discord, and lì passed its youth. 3 It had an able physicist sopportare the fasts, to the cold and the wakings more than how much he is credible to everyone. 4 The audacious, subdolo, changing mind, simulator and dissimulatore of any thing, I wish of the other people's, sperperatore things of, the just burning one in the pleasures. 5 Not lacking in eloquenza, but little judgment: the insatiable nature wished smodate, incredible things, above is credible to some. 6 After the dispotismo of Silla, it attacked it the greatest desire to get hold of the State, and it did not give importance in which ways also obtained that of procurarsi the power. 7 More and more of day in day the fierce mind is upsotten from the lack of a familiar patrimony and from the knowledge of the misfatti ones, both things that it had grown with those defects about which I have spoken before. 8 Moreover they urged it the customs corrupts of the citizens, than two evils pessimi and various between they, the lussuria and the greed, they corrupted. 9 The same thing seems to invite to me, since the occasion has recalled to me, to resume the things said before and to little expose with little words institutions of the ancestors in peace and war, in which way we have trained the State, how much large one has left it, to that, changed little, from much beautiful and optimal one, it has become pessimo and corrupt.|
A dramatic comparison
|1 Inmutata Quibus puzzle permota civitas atque urbis facies erat. Former summa laetitia atque scivia, quae diuturna quies peperat, repente omnis tristizia invasit: 2 to festinare, to trepidare, neque native place nec homini cuiquam satis to believe, neque bellum to gerere, nequem pacem to habere, pericola its quisque metu metiri. 3 Mulieres, quibus guilty publicae magnitudine ad hoc beautiful timor insolitus incesserat, to adflictare sese, manus supplicis to caelum to stretch, miserari parvos liberos, to rogitare, omnia to pavere, superbia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque to diffidere. 4 At Catilinae crudelis animus eadem illa movebat, tametsi garrisons parabantur ET ipse lege Plautia interrogatus erat ab L. Paulo. 5 Postremo, dissimulandi cause, aut on the expurgandi, sicubi iurgio lacessitus foret, in senatum venit. 6 Tum M. Tullius consul, sive praesentiam eius timens, sive ira conimotus, orationem habuit luculentam atque utilem guilty publicae, quam postea scriptam edidit. 7 Sed ubi ille adsedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus to dissimulanda omnia, defisso voltu, voice supplici to postulate to patribus coepit of quid de if to fear crederent; ea familia ortum, ita if ab adulescentia vitam instituisse ut omnia bona in spe haberet; of existumarent sibi patricio homini, cuius ipsius atque maiorum pluruma benefits in plebem Romanam essent, publica loss king opus they, cum eam servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus civis urbis Romae. 8 Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet, to obstrepere omnes, hostem atque parricidam to vocare. 9 Tum ille furibundus: "Quoniam quidem circumventus - inquit - ab inimicis praeceps agor, incendium ruina restinguam."||1 The citizens had been upset to you from these news and the aspect of the city was changed. From a sum joy and spensieratezza, that it had procurato along period of quiet, very soon melancholy invaded all: 2 it was acted in a hurry, trepidava, was not trusted to us enough neither the circumstances neither no man, it did not make the war, neither one had the peace, everyone measured the dangers according to just the fear. 3 Moreover the women, for which the fear of the war for the largeness of the State had become unusual, plagued, stretched the supplichevoli hands to the sky, commiseravano for the small sons, asked with insistence, feared all, puttinges from part superbia and the pleasures did not have confidence in if same or the native land. 4 But Catilina of cruel mind carried those plans ahead although the defense had been prepared and it had been put under accusation from Lucio Paul based on the Plonzia law. 5 Finally, in order to disguise and for discolparsi, like if it had been provoked from an attack, it reached in Senate. 6 Then consul Mark Tullio, is since feared its presence, because is moved from the ira, held an eloquent and favorable speech for the State, than later on yields for enrolled. 7But when it was based prepared com' was to pretend all, with the disheartened face, with the voice supplichevole it began to ask the senators who did not believe something of he sconsideratamente; it said that been born from that family life had lead one, since the adolescence in such way to hope every good; and he said they not to think that it, a patrizio whose benefits and those of its ancestors towards the plebe roman were very many, had need to destroy the State, while Mark Tullio born renter outside from the city of Rome conserved it. 8 Adding to these also other ingiurie, all screaied and enemy and patricide called it. 9 Then that one said furious: "Since encircled from enemies they are pushed to the ruin, I will extinguish my fire with the ruin".|
Cesar and Catone to comparison
|1 Igitur eis genus, aetas, eloquentia, prope aequalia to fuere; magnitudo minds par, item Gloria, sed alia alii. 2 Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus habebatur integritate Cato screw. Ille mansuetudine ET misericordia clarus factus, huic severitas dignitatem addiderat. 3 Caesar giving, sublevando ignoscendo, east Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus. In I alter miseris perfugium erat, in I alter malis pernicies. Illius facilitas, huius costantia laudabatur. 4 Postremo Caesar in animum induxerat to laborare, to supervise, negotiis amicorum intentus its neglegere, nihil to denegare quod gift dignum esset; sibi magnum imperium, exercitum, bellum novum exoptabat ubi virtus to enitescere posset. 5 At Catoni studium modestiae, decoris, sed maxume severitatis erat. 6 Not divitiis divite cum neque factione factioso cum, sed courageous cum virtute, pudore modest cum, innocent cum abstinentia certabat. Videri they quam bonus malebat; ita, quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis illum assequebatur.||1 They had therefore the same origin, nearly equal ages, eloquenza; equal largeness of mind, parimenti the Gloria, but various in one and the other. 2 Cesar was considered large for the favors and the generosity, Catone for integrity of the life. That one had become famous for the mitezza and the mercy, to this the austerity had added dignity. 3 In there was shelter for the poor ones, in the other ruin for the malvagi. Of that one it came praised the indulgence, of this the coherence. 4 To the end Cesar it had been decided to are given to make, to be awake, interested to the transactions of the friends, to neglect the own ones, not denying nothing that it was worthy of a gift. It wished for himself a great power, an army, one new war where the value could risplendere. 5 But Catone had the passion of the modestia, of the honor, but above all of the austerity. 6 It competed not in wealth with the rich one, not in faziosità with the fazioso, but with the valoroso in value, the modest one in pudore, the honest one in temperanza. It preferred to be good rather than to appear; therefore at least it inhaled to the Gloria much more this chased it.|
The speech of Catilina to the soldiers
|1 "Compertum habeo ego, milites, verbo virtutem not to addere, neque former ignavo strenuum, neque fortem former timid exercitum oratione imperatoris fairs. 2 How much cuiusque mind audacity nature aut moribus inest, a lot in beautiful patere solet. Quem neque Gloria neque pericula excitant, nequiquam to hortere; timor minds auribus officit. 3 Sed ego vos quo pauca monerem advocavi, simul uti causam mei consili aperirem. 4 Scitis equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi nobisque cladem attulerit, quoque way, former dum city praesidia opperior, in Galliam proficici nequiverim. 5 True Nunc quo native place res nostrae sint iuxta mecum omnes intellegitis. 6 Exercitus hostium pair, unus ab city, alter to Gallia obstant. Diutius in his locis they, maxume animus erat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet. 7 Ouocumque ire placet, iron iter east aperiundum. 8 Moneo Quapropter vos uti strong atque adorned mind sitis ET, cum proelio inibitis, memineritis vos dìvitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris vostris carrying. 9 Vincimus, omnia nobis coveralls erunt; commeatus abunde, municipia atque coloniae petebunt. 10 Metu cesserimus, eadem illa advorsa fient, neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget quem arm not texerint. 11 Praeterea, milites, not nobis ET illis necessitudo impendet: nos for native land, libertate, life certamus; illis east supervacaneum to pugnare for potentia paucorum. 12 Quo audacius adgredimini, memores pristinae virtutis. 13 Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in exilio aetatem agere; nonnull potuisti Romae, amissis bonis, alienas opes to expectare. 14 Quia illa foeda atque intoleranda viris videbantur, haec seqi decrevisti. 15 Haec to relinquere itself voltis, east audacity opus; nemo nisi victor peace bellum mutavit. 16 Nam in escape salutem to hope, cum arm quibus corpus tegitur ab hostibus avorteris, ea true dementia east. 17 Semper in proelio eis east maxumum periculum here maxume timent; audacity for wall habetur. 18 Cum vos I consider, milites, ET cum facta yours aestumo, magna me spes victoriae tenet. 19 Animus, aetas, virtus yours me hortantur, praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidosfotis facit. 20 Nam multitudo hostium to circumvenire some queat prohibent angustiae loci. 21 Quod virtuti vostrae fortune inviderit, cavete inulti animam amittatis, neu picks up potius sicuti sheep trucidemini quam more virorum pugnantes cruentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis ".||1 "I know well, or soldiers, than the words they do not instill courage and that the army from frightening does not become valoroso neither from lazy becomes working with the speech of a general. 2 In war everyone is usual to manifest how much courage possesses thanks to the nature or its formation. E' useless to exhort R-he who is not stimulated neither from the Gloria neither from the dangers; the fear of the mind is of obstacle to the orecchie. 3 I have I only convene to you for I give to you to some council and esporvi the reason to you of my decision. 4 Like sure sapete, or soldiers, Lentulo with its negligence and its vitalità have provoked an enormous damage to if same and we; while I attended reinforces from Rome me has been impossible to transfer to me in Gallia. 5 Therefore in this moment you all become account how much me which it is our situation. 6 Road two blocks us exercises, from Rome, other from the Gallia. The sparsity of grain and other alimentary kinds prevents to us to remain more to along in these places even if our mind sopporterebbe it: 7 in whichever direction it is wanted to be gone, is necessary to open the way with the crews. 8 For this reason I invite to you to being strong and risoluti and, when you begin the battle, to keep in mind who capacities in your rights the riches, the honor, the Gloria beyond to the freedom and the native land. 9 If we will win, will be all ours; they will come given refueling to us in abundance, the town halls and the colonies will open us the doors. 10 If the fear will make us to retreat, all it will be turned against of we, not will be a shelter, a proteggerà friend who has not been known to defend with the crews. 11 It is not incumbent on we and they, soldiers, the same necessity: we strike ourselves for the native land, the freedom, the life; to they little he imports to fight for the power of little. 12 You are therefore more you burn yourself to the attack, memori of the ancient virtue. 13 You could have passed the life in exile vergognosamente; some of you, lost every to have, could living to Rome of charity. 14 But situations as these have seemed vergognose and intolerable to true men and therefore you have preferred to follow this way. 15 If you want to exit from the war, it wants courage to us; nobody can change the war with the peace if they do not give winner. 16 But to hope the salvation in the escape, after to have distolto the crews with which protegge the body, that is pure madness! 17 In the combats, the greater danger it runs those who has more fear: the audacity is the better one defended. 18 When I consider you, soldiers, and I estimate your actions passages, takes one great hope to me of Victoria. 19 The mind, the age, your value gives courage to me and moreover the deprived of hope situation renders heroes also the frightening ones. 20 The enemies, although more numerous, they cannot ring to us: in fact it prevents the distress to it of the places. 21 And if the fate will be opposed to your value, attended not to fall invendicati and does not make you to capture for being sgozzati as sheep, but rather you strike yourselves from prodi and left to the enemies one Victoria full of mournings and blood.|
The Bellum Jugurthinum
To the beginning of the second monography, Sallustio explains that the war against Giugurta (111 - 105 to.C.) it was the first occasion in which "it was dared to go against the impudence of the nobility". Bellum Jugurthinum it finds the responsibilities of aristocratic the ruling class in the crisis of the roman state.
Giugurta, after is gotten hold with the crime of the reign of Numidia, it had corrupt with the money the exponents of the roman aristocracy sendes to you to fight it in , concluding one favorable peace. Cecilio Metello, sended in Africa, it obtains happened remarkable, but I am not decided to you. Gaio Mario, luogotenente of Metello, elect consul for 107 AC, he is person in charge to conclude the war. Mario modification the composition of army enlisting i understood censuses (proletarian nullatenenti). The war in Africa resumes and it is concluded when the king of Mauritania, Bocco, betrays Giugurta, its allying, and the delivery to the Roman.
In the sallustiana narration, the antinobiliare, rivendica opposition, against the nobility corrupt, the merit of expansion politics and the defense of the prestige of Rome. Like in Bellum Catilinae, Sallustio introduces to the center of the work a excursus that it indicates in the "regimen of you leave" the cause before the ruin of the State and the main target is the nobility. The picture that emerges from Bellum Jugurthinum it is falsato, in fact, in order to represent the nobility like a block guided from a corrupted group, Sallustio does not speak about the wing of the favorable aristocracy to an active engagement in the war. The lines directives of politics of i populares they are exemplified in the speeches that Sallustio makes to hold from tribuno the Memmio in order to protest against inconcludente politics of the senate, and subsequently from Mario, when this last one convinces the plebe to enlist itself in mass. For Sallustio, both the speeches are represented you of the best values ethical-politi expressed us from the roman democracy in the fight against the nobility. In the speech of Mario, the reason centers them is the affirmation of one "aristocracy of the virtus", than I found myself not on the birth, but on the natural talents of everyone.
The speech of Mario above all expresses the aspirations of the italica élite ones to a greater participation to the power, however, the admiration for the man who knew opporsi to the nobiliare arrogance is limited from the knowledge of the responsibilities that later on Mario assumed in the civil wars and enlistment of i understood censuses it throws alarming shadows on its figure. Sallustio, in fact, does not approve of the provision that gave origin to the personal armies and professional that destroyed . In ritratto of Giugurta, as in the comparisons of Catilina, Sallustio does not hide own the perplexed admiration for the uncontrollable energy value indication, even if corrupt. An important difference, regarding ritratto of Catilina, is that the personality of the Barbarian king is represented in evolution. Its nature is not corrupt since the beginning, but it becomes it progressively. The seed of the corruption is thrown in Giugurta during besieges of Numanzia, from noble and homines novi Roman.
The Historiae and the crisis of the res publica
The greater historical work of Sallustio remained incompiuta for the dead women of the author. Historiae they began with 78 AC (dead women of Silla). After the monographic experiments, Sallustio returned to the annalistica shape. The work (lost, but famous until V century) it influenced the culture of augustea age very, remain four speeches and two letters, one of Pompeo and one of Mitridate. Of such letters that one has particular importance that Sallustio imagines written gives Mitridate, since from the words of the monarch it orients them, that she fought long against the Roman, emerge the reasons of the complaints of the people dominates to you from Rome. Several fragments of geographic and etnografico character remain also. In Historiae the corruption of the customs spreads, little is the noble exceptions, on the political scene shows oneself adventurers, demagogues and noble corrupts. After the killing of Cesar, the historian does not have more a part which to schierarsi, neither hopes in a salvatore of the State.
The style of Sallustio
Guide thought to one modeled storiografico style on the oratorial one. To condition the stilistica evolution of the Latin historiography it was Sallustio, that style founded elaborated one on inconcinnitas (refusal of a wide, regular speech, proporzionato), on the asymmetries and variations of costrutto. The historian realized an effect of gravitas majestic austera and, an image of meditated essenzialità of thought. To the solennità of the style they contribute the archaizing patina, the concatenation of the phrases of paratattico type (coordination) and the extreme economy of the expression. The frequent allitterazione gives archaic color, but it upgrades also the sense of the words. A style archaizing, therefore, but innovating, because its broken course is of all the anticonventional one and because lessico and sintassi contrast the standardization process that was being taken place in the literary language. The style elaborated in the two monographys acquired flood artistic maturity in Hìstoriae, and it constituted one of the canonical models of the successive Latin historiography.
The works of Sallustio obtained immediate and important happening. The manuscripts hand on one Invectiva in Ciceronem, considered authentic they give , but it is probable that it is work of a retore of augustea age. Its obvious retort is Invectiva in Sallustium attributed to Guide (a false one prepared in one rhetorical school). Equally spurie they are Epistulae to republica Caesarem senem de. The style is nearly more sallustiano than that one than Sallustio, excessive archaizing and the writing seems to the literary shapes of the speech oratory improper and the epistle. The content is, obvious.
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